“Quarrels in discoteques were settled by the final curseword of guns. State violence under the old, past regime had habituated its victims to it. People had forgotten there was any other way.” —Nadine Gordimer
Now that I have analyzed your January 2015 triple homicide case from a broader and deeper perspective than available to you from your statewide mental juridical health and academic professionals, looking for missed opportunities for trauma recovery and healthier conflict resolution models across John/Kane/Jason’s personal, familial, communal, and educational relationships, next I return my attention to law.
What legislation might have prompted your alleged homicide perpetrator to declare that taking up arms to resolve conflicts is “what everybody else does”-?
On 01 July 2014, shortly after I negotiated release for behavior beyond reproach for what could have been up to a year’s incarceration in the state mental hospital with John/Kane/Jason and Idaho’s passive aggressive mental health professionals, and just one day prior to Idaho Attorney General Lawrence Wasden’s submittal of his writ of certiorari asking the Supreme Court to hear arguments in Armstrong v. Exceptional Child, Governor Otter applied his executive seal of approval to legislation permitting guns on campuses throughout Idaho.
Following the history of that legislation, according to a site called Vote Smart – heavily campaigning for your well-earned donation dollars as their data is much better designed and thus easier to access and understand than the legislature’s own visually illiterate site – the guns on campus bill passed Idaho’s House on 16 March 2011, just one day before Idaho’s elected representatives decided that her exceptional children do not deserve an adequate quality of care, and restructured changes in Medicaid funding on 17 March 2011 with a vote count of 56–14. Text of House Bill 260 includes:
“Medicaid pharmacy reimbursement levels are a combination of the cost of the drug and a dispensing fee which includes such pharmaceutical care services as counseling, obtaining a patient history, documentation, and dispensing. Pharmacy reimbursement levels may be adjusted in accordance with rules promulgated by the director through negotiated rulemaking with interested parties including representatives of the pharmacy profession…” [emph. mine]
Idaho’s 2011 changes to its Medicaid legislation also omitted an earlier effective date of coincidentally another 01 July, or the start of another fiscal year, all the way back to 1998, which more than adequately explains the raging tirades of the state’s 13-year psychopharmacological test subject whose nurturing skills have so far produced at least two more generations of aggressive, criminal behavior, and who, in 2014, trafficked both my educated professional and manual labor, unrecovered from her early childhood incest trauma despite Big Pharma’s and IDHW’s combined best dispensing efforts:
While the law does exempt the state hospitals, including the facility in Blackfoot where I was incarcerated with John/Kane/Jason in summer 2014, from Idaho’s judicially unadministrable math, who in the history of the state’s legislature is qualified to establish, not merely quantity of dollars, but quality of care at those facilities?
Is that care adequate, would Justice Sotomayor and her eight seven colleagues concur?
Or would they no longer be able to reach majority agreement?
Will the Justices one day not too far into the future duke it out, challenging one another after another to duels at dawn until there is only one remaining to adjudicate all the nation’s disputes?
In sum, decisions for the psychological well-being and public safety of Idaho’s citizens are being made between multinational pharmaceutical company sales reps and a fella who struggles with mastering Microsoft Word, basic maths, and writing business correspondence that begins with something other than the ragingly narcissistic person pronoun, both visual form and written content aligning with the state’s mental health abuses. Tossing a gratuitous STEM between those blooms. Coincident to Governor Otter’s guns on campus law and one day prior to Wasden’s writ to the Supreme Court, Mr. Armstrong was busy banging out his four-year Strategic Plan, proudly boasting of his efforts “protecting the social, economic, mental, and physical health and safety of” potatoes:
Notable for your investigation, then-Representative Tom Trail, brother of David Trail, John/Kane/Jason’s former landlord, voted nay on both pieces of legislation.
Psychoanalyst and linguistic theorist Dr. Kristeva describes ‘no’ as the strongest word in any language. When to say no? When is just saying no not enough? When to offer a viable alternative to our worldwide masculine rage problem? When to speak? How loudly? To whom? When to refrain from speaking? How to negotiate to an affirmative yes that works from the perspective of even your most vulnerable citizens?
On 28 March 2011, without the delays of the companion law authorizing guns on campus, changes to Idaho’s Medicaid legislation passed the Senate by a vote of 27–8.
On 05 April 2011, Governor Butch Otter signed David Trail’s death warrant into law, coincidentally 19 years to the day after an infant girl was born in the midst of war-torn Bosnia and I wrote a poem titled my own personal marilyn, and coincidentally 14 years to the date that a father in Las Vegas reported to Metro his missing daughter, the third wife of my first husband, but those narrative threads share no causal connection with Moscow’s masculine rage problem.
Idaho’s prosecutors may try to argue connecting the dots between the personal, the familial, and the legislative more fully proves Lee’s premeditated guilt. You would know that better than I do if you searched the files stored and sites cached on his computer. I could be wrong, but in my opinion, carefully researching law and identifying his landlord as a relative of the powerful legislating body that dictated his psychological and physical distress doesn’t fit the psychology of the young man I observed in Blackfoot, suffering severe early childhood trauma exacerbated by state-sanctioned psychopharmacology. If anything, former Representative Trail’s nay vote indicates someone who might have been predisposed to hear the damage wrought by psychopharmacology. Maybe your investigation should pursue the head of the drug cartel responsible for marketing brain-damaging pills, who might have felt anger, and beneath the mask of anger, afraid of Trail’s nay?
John/Kane/Jason’s self-identification with Brandon Bruce Lee indicates to me that he expected to die when Washington police finally stopped his wild ride across state lines, and I note from the media coverage of his 24 May 2016 sentencing hearing that divulges Lee wrote letters from jail asking for the death penalty for his crimes, further supporting my psychoanalytic opinion.
Pleading to die sounds like remorse to me.
Or maybe death is preferable to a lifespan condemned to jittering the uncontrollable side effects of psychopharmacology? A young man suffering severe internal contradictions, his brain ravaged with state-funded and -mandated drugs, with no healthy role models for conflict resolution, who only wanted his mother to see his perspective.
Are you hearing it now?
On the witness stand, yet another Idaho mental health professional, having dutifully isolated the subject of his scrutiny from his environment and memorized the categories in the DSM, describes Lee as suffering “paranoid delusions” for describing his mother as attempting to “poison” him. If I am right, and Lee’s adoptive nurse-mother insisted that he take brain-damaging SSRIs and/or antipsychotics beginning from adolescence, drugs recognized by psychiatrists respected worldwide as causing egregious social harm, drugs manufactured by cartels recognized by the Food and Drug Administration and the Department of Justice with lengthy, and ever-growing, history of accelerating harm, drugs leaving him twitching within his own skin, drugs that cutting-edge neuroscientists readily acknowledge we do not yet know the damage they do to the human brain, drugs that the state’s mental health professionals insist are the treatment for internal and external conflicts, force-feeding their clients brain-damaging drugs without providing reasonable alternatives for trauma recovery or role models for healthy communication, drugs recognized even by Idaho’s Attorney General and IDHW as harm-causing more than two years prior to your triple homicide in Moscow, isn’t that “poison”-?
Sounds like circular illogical poison to me.
In my psychoanalytically educated opinion, Lee is not per se delusional, just because Lee’s experience differs from an Idaho psychologist’s personal “truth” relationship with his own mother. Is the state’s witness educated in the field of trauma, a specific subset of the field of psychology, while also paradoxically foundational? Did the psychologist observe and diagnose Lee prior to his shooting spree, prior to psychopharmacology treatment, or is his judgment colored by those heinous crimes? Or maybe Idaho’s mental health professional can identify with Lee’s distress in relation to his mother, thus he was anxious to draw a sharp border between himself and a mass shooter, determined to shut the door against finding empathy for this horrifying Other?
If I have assessed Lee’s family and educational background correctly based on the evidence presented to me, then a halfway competent criminal defense lawyer could probably even make a reasonable argument for self-defense from parental and state-inflicted harm.
Someone who’s not drinking Big Pharma’s Kool-Aid that psychological distress is a “disease” of the brain.
Then our culture could get to work on healthy alternatives that many have been avoiding since long before the massacre at Columbine.
My apologies for the delay in responding to your request for help from the public determining motive. Coincident to your mass shootings in Moscow in January 2015, I was two days from escaping still more trafficking of both my educated professional and manual labor from a 70-year-old victim of early childhood incest abuse, to give you more of an idea of Idaho’s multigenerational history of failure to identify its familial abuse problem, frequently mislabeled as “mental illness,” otherwise known as blaming the victims of the more powerfully positioned members within their families, let alone the state’s failure to solve the problem through visual literacy and Unplaying the Shame and Blame Game. By 20 January, coincident with the Supreme Court hearing oral argument in Armstrong v. Exceptional Child, I was en route, on zero budget, through heavy snows that stalled traffic on I-84 in both directions in eastern Oregon and back to Seattle, fleeing familial abuse, trafficking, and Idaho’s civil rights abuses, turned away by a domestic violence shelter that “doesn’t do” state’s civil rights abuses, because that problem doesn’t “fit” their Department of Justice grant-funded programming, coincidentally a year to the date that I received an email from my electrical engineering brother-in-law describing me as “psychotic” after he raged his denial of the sheer quantity of adults in our society suffering the trauma of incest abuse, their passive aggressive communications exacerbating my postgraduate struggles to find employers, colleagues, or clients healthy enough to respect my educated expertise in exchange for a living wage.
No shortage of folks who have benefitted from my depth and breadth of skills, whether it’s empathetic listening to trauma monologues or rebranding and identity for successfully elected public officials or scrubbing toilets for people in positions of power over me, unable or unwilling to maintain their verbal or written agreements.
That was after leaving the Palouse in 2009, after starting a design and letterpress printing business out of the museum, and my site build and direct mail samples netted me better web returns than the efforts of an entire communications team working on a microsite for an already identified, well-heeled audience at Seattle Art Museum. So why did I leave the opportunity to start a business without the initial investment of essential, expensive, and hard-to-come-by equipment, space, and supplies? Because the director of the printing museum had been raped by an uncle when she was an adolescent, leaving her ill-equipped to maintain the boundaries I placed on another of her volunteers, an abusive white male twice my age, who nevertheless assumed I would be interested in replacing his deceased wife:
From the headlines describing the historic delayed confirmation of Attorney General Loretta Lynch, scheduled behind a filibustered bill for sex trafficking, it sounds like the United States Congress suffers the same denial as Drs. Freud, Fleiss, and members of the extended Bundy clan, limiting their knowledge of at least two of the three taboos defined by Kristeva. Do you think the possibility of resolving conflict without resorting to sexual assault, serial killings, or mass shootings might improve under our incoming administration and Congressional leadership?
Greedy for gossip and reveling in the suffering of others, one of my traffickers drew my attention to your latest round of mass shootings in Moscow before she changed her wifi password and ordered me out into the snow after I placed a boundary on her behavior spitting in my face and destroying gourmet food before I could finish prepping Thanksgiving dinner to which she contributed video game-playing and gleefully adding to her collection of used furniture without a word of compassion for the neighbor who left behind his worldly possessions, another successful suicide.
Much as my initial, gut response to a spring 1997 call from my first ex-husband, describing the “disappearance” of his third wife, was to hang up the phone, call a friend, and for both of us to say, in unison, “There’s a body in the desert,” which turned out to be not just one body but at least two, if not three or more, my immediate response to initial reports of your 2015 tragedy was to say Lee looks familiar, but no, I was not teaching at the university in 2013 when news outlets reported him returning to northern Idaho, while the last of my Idaho traffickers clicked and scrolled through screen media too rapidly for me to closely review any details. Out of context, I did not immediately connect his likeness to my experiences in Blackfoot. Absorbed in the demands of brute survival on zero budget, studying for the LSAT, and ongoing job-seeking, I forgot about yet another tragedy in the same community as my graduate school alma mater for the very same reasons I identified in MFA thesis in 2008 until a senator in Connecticut at the end of 2015 tweeted out the nationwide mass shootings for last year, pushed into my timeline from a graphic designer in San Francisco.
In the midst of a design analysis of the Law School Admissions Council’s global communications plan that cost that organization $7.73 million in 2014, after LSAC denied my application fee waiver, still subsisting in perilous conditions, I set that work aside, prioritizing your request for help from the public, hoping I could manage to post prior to Lee’s sentencing hearing, until my corporate nonprofit social services provider/landlord receiving funds from the Department of Housing and Urban Development, State of Washington, King County, and City of Seattle decided lesser felonies, gross misdemeanors, misdemeanors, landlord tenant law, and Seattle’s composting laws were all higher priority than your garden variety mass shooting, triple homicide event.
Gresback wasn’t kidding about finding commonality between the psychology of psychopaths and the psychology of lawyers; can you believe LSAC was deliberately selecting for psychopaths to add to the profession, remorselessly denying quadriplegic human beings more time to fill in their bubble-sheet tests than they allow for able-bodied, white, predominantly male property-owning applicants?? How do you suppose they feel about denying the fee waiver request of a destitute, multiracial woman who’s already paid law school tuition to the director of Stanford University’s Constitutional Law Center, despite the organization’s written goal that no one should be denied access to law school due to my “absolute inability to pay” for their bubble-sheet test?
But there’s still the appeals process, right?
Even in Idaho?